Lockdown 3.0: Lack Of Transparency, SOPs Raise Questions On Operations Of 'Not For All' Shramik Special Trains

On May 1, the Narendra Modi government announced it would run 'Shramik Special' trains to transport migrant workers, and others stranded due to the lockdown back to their native states. Various media reports have highlighted the plight of country's over 14 crore migrant labour force who are in distress during the lockdown due to loss of jobs and livelihoods, hunger, demand of rent from landlords, discrimination by locals, and lack of resources. They are also desperate to go home as evidenced in sporadic, but rising number of protests by migrant workers in Mumbai, Surat and other places.

Sections of the media, political parties, civil society groups and workers had hoped that the Shramik Special trains would help rescue all migrant workers in distress across the country. In practice, however, the trains only seem to be catering to those lodged in government-run shelter homes or quarantine camps, whose names are forwarded by the host and receiving state governments.

Even then, there are numerous problems plaguing the running of Shramik Special trains, including the controversy over who pays for travel by them. There is no clear estimate of the number of migrant workers who will be transported, no Standard Operating Procedure delineating who is eligible to get on the trains, how and where they must apply, what documents they must furnish, and on what basis they might be chosen as passengers.

Moreover, while trains are being run on the request of state governments sending and receiving migrant workers, no guidelines are designating on what basis the Railway Ministry allots trains, how many are likely to run leaving room for ad-hoc decisions and political opportunism.

Camp, Not Shramik Special

When migrant workers across the country left cities in large numbers following the enforcement of the first edition of the lockdown on March 25, many called it the biggest mass exodus in contemporary India since the partition. While many who were part of this exodus made it somehow to their homes or home states, where they were quarantined, several others died on the way. A majority were, however, intercepted by police mid-way, and sent to state government-run migrant shelters cum quarantine camps.

On April 1, just a week into the lockdown, there were 6.75 lakh workers in government shelters across the country. This number continued to rise through April, as more migrants ran out of work, money, and ration, they started returning to their native places, only to be intercepted by police and sent to camps. Yet, there is no official count of their number in the public domain.

Nevertheless, it is clear from several accounts and instances that Shramik Special trains are catering only to inmates of camps. The clearest indication of this came from the Ministry of Home Affairs order on May 3, which clarified that only "distressed persons... who moved from their native/ workplace just before the lockdown period but could not return" – and not all migrant workers and stranded persons – were eligible for transport by train.

Although it provided no details about how to distress was being computed, a Hindustan Times report mentioned that all passengers on board the Aluva-Jagannathpur Shramik Special on the same day were chosen from a camp in Perumbavoor in Kerala's Ernakulam district, which also housed Assamese and Odia migrant workers. Passengers of other Shramik Special were also quoted in other media reports, saying they were living in camps before boarding trains.

The Logical Indian also spoke to senior civil servants and police officials in West Bengal, Karnataka and Maharashtra who said, on condition of anonymity, that passengers for Shramik Special trains were being chosen from camps. "The trains will first accommodate those rehabilitation camps, and then other migrant workers," an IPS officer from Karnataka closely involved with the running of trains told The Logical Indian. He said buses were also allowed for inter-state movement, but would have to arranged and paid for by passengers.

Lack of Standard Protocol

The Railway Ministry's May 2, guidelines for movement of stranded persons by Shramik Special trains enlisted several tasks that states/ union territories (UTs) sending and receiving them were required to undertake. They would have to designate nodal officers, consult each other over stranded persons who "wish to move" between one state/UT and another, estimate the requirement for trains, exchange consent letters with other states where trains would originate/terminate, share the same with Railways before the departure of trains, demarcate a group that would travel on a train, issue certificates to passengers attesting they did not exhibit COVID-19 symptoms, transport them to/from railway stations, provide food packets, and so on.

Despite the above-mentioned tasks that all states and UTs were required to undertake, the Centre did not draw up a Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) for the exercise. Odisha Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik had underlined the need for a uniform SOP during the videoconference between chief ministers and the Prime Minister on April 27. Yet, the task of developing standard protocols was left to the states. This led to a mismatch in practices and ad-hoc measures, resulting in much confusion and harassment for those who "wish to move".

Ad-hoc Measures, Opportunism

Left to themselves, most states took 1-3 days to put systems in place and share information with the public regarding helpline numbers, apps and websites through which they could register travel requests. Their functioning over the last few days has been riddled with problems. Activists of ten civil society groups, who are assisting migrant workers on the ground and through online forums, said it remains extremely difficult to get through state helplines; when they do get connected, nobody answers calls.

They also said websites and apps often don't work – sessions get timed out, users are asked to enter captcha codes numerous times despite entering them correctly, attachments are not accepted, and most states don't provide reference numbers for receipt of travel requests.

Activists also pointed out that digital literacy among migrant workers was low, and most were unfamiliar with filling up forms or submitting documents online. "Besides, language is another inhibiting factor," said Rajendran Narayanan from Stranded Workers' Action Network (SWAN), an online forum that has volunteers from across the country. "For example, the Karnataka government's app and the website are available in Kannada and English, whereas most migrant workers in the state are from Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal, who don't know either language," he said.

Besides, the process for allotment of trains to states, and approval of passengers remains a secret. Activists alleged this has left the field wide open for political interests and motivations to play a key role in providing relief to stranded workers.

"Given the ad-hoc way in which things are being done, politically-linked bureaucrats and caste lobbies can easily take only their people back and leave most vulnerable among migrant workers in deeper distress," said Geetha Menon from Stree Jagriti Samiti, engaged in COVID-19 relief activities in Karnataka.

A senior officer in West Bengal closely involved with facilitating inter-state travel by train said the Centre was sitting on several requests for trains from and to the state for days. Speaking to The Logical Indian on condition of anonymity, the officer said, "We had shared all necessary details requesting for a bunch of trains, including agreements with respective state governments, with Delhi three days ago. Not one of them has been approved yet."

Pushback?

On May 6, the Karnataka government cancelled all Shramik Special trains that were to ferry migrant workers to their home states following a meeting between Chief Minister BS Yediyurappa and prominent builders of the state. The state government and prominent BJP leaders claimed the move would help revive the economy and open up prospects for migrant workers to earn some much-needed money.

Most passengers who were slated to travel by these trains were likely inmates of migrant camps. While their number as of April 1 was 6.75 lakh, a little over one lakh migrant workers were transported back to their home states by 120 Shramik Specials till 6 May. Would all of them, distressed and stranded beyond doubt, be allowed to go home, or would they be held captive in states where they worked?

Migrant workers across the country made it amply clear where they stood. 'We don't want work, we want to go home," some wrote on social media, while many started on the long journey home by foot, bicycle or whatever else was available. Once again!

Also Read: Amid Lack Of Food, Hungry Migrant Workers Engage In Violent Clash On Shramik Special Train